Voktoism
Voktoism is the name commonly ascribed to the ideology of Kristavo Vokto. The term itself is not widely recognized by mainstream academia, who have notably adopted their own taxonomies of Vokto's beliefs in effort to coin something more specific. Despite these efforts, no cohesive term that is widely accepted among political scientists yet exists to describe these set of beliefs, and a significant segment of the academic population questions whether they ought to be considered a separate school of thought at all. Core Beliefs Voktoism's primary concern can be seen as the creation of a perfect meritocracy. This is gagued by how strongly an individual's material success can be attributed to their own talents, rather than inherited wealth/poverty, or by favoritism. A Kristovian construct, it draws a distinction between itself and the Social Darwinism of former Esperia, which it claims does not adaquately account for advantages and disadvantages inherited from birth. Voktoism emphasizes the importance of the small firm owner above all. This contrasts from the Esperian viewpoint, in which large firms are celebrated. Voktoism sees monopolistic domination as unfair to potential start-up innovators. To put this concept in perspective, socialist economic theory prioritizes the worker, while capitalist systems prioritize the firm owner or the consumer. Voktoism does not self-identify as an exclusively economic philosophy. Its beliefs extend into areas of Justice, Government, the Electoral Process, and Education, to name only a few spheres of life Voktoism provides commentary on. It is stated in Virtue in Politics ''that Voktoism's approach to one institution is complimentary, and in fact necessary, to the virtue of the others. Often, this involves socializing and strengthening public goods, or what Vokto calls "tools of the people," such as education, the police force, justice, etc. Voktoism is considered a primarily individualist ideology, however "tools of the people" is a collectivist concept within Voktoism. A Voktoism would claim these tools a means to an individualist end. Vokto has contributed many new terms and concepts to the field of Political Science. One example of this is a concept Vokto uses as a basis for many of his arguments, especially concerning meritocracy. This is the idea of the "Continuum of Power." Vokto tracks the development of civilization through a "climb" up this Continuum, each era being marked by the time '''that particular means was the highest measure of power.' For example; in prehistoric times, Vokto writes, brute strength was the ultimate measure of power, as there were no higher authorities to put this in check. Later, societies introduced currencies, and the highest authority was also the most rich. Vokto points to the characteristic wealth of monarchs as support for this. Vokto wrote that living in the age of democracy, mankind had created an even higher authority than wealth, which is government. He writes that in a modern civilization, government supercedes physical strength and wealth as the ultimate authority, and rightly so, as long as that government is democratically elected. Through this view Vokto is able to claim the Esperian libertarian ideology as regressive to history, because according to him, it places wealth as the ultimate authority. Vokto is able to conclude then by this reasoning that a small government is immoral. Without government, society would fall back into uncivilized times, where the well armed or the wealthy rule. This puts Voktoism at odds with both Anarcho-Capitalism and Anarcho-Socialism. Though Vokto's views were a reaction to an overly capitalist state, Voktoism according to the Continuum of Power may ironically label Anarcho-Socialism as actually more regressive, since it even rejects wealth as power. Vokto himself has not made a point to point this out. Background 'Kristavo Vokto and ''Virtue in Politics The Voktoist ideology is based off the teachings of Kristavo Vokto. It is well known that before his time as a politician, Vokto was an author who wrote on political reform in his country of Esperia. He has produced essays, published and unpublished, which span from the early 1980's to the mid 1990's. These obscured essays are often overshadowed by 1994's Virtue in Politics, ''which is considered Vokto's Magnum Opus, and has become standard material in Kristovian collegiate curriculum, and among other academic circles. ''Virtue in Politics ''is seen a complete anthology of the Voktoist ideology. 'The Five Precepts The basis of Voktoism in Virtue in Politics ''is written in the preface of the book. Kristavo Vokto writes the five guiding principals of achieving "Virtue" (as he refers to it; the term as he uses it seems to encompass meritocracy and discipline in civil and governmental affairs) that a government ought to follow as: 'Voktoism as a Reaction to Esperian Policy' Although Vokto writes in ''Virtue in Politics ''in terms as ideals applicable to any nation, the timeliness and priorities of his concerns are viewed by many to be reactions to challanges facing the Confederation of Esperia during the early to mid nineteen-nineties. Vokto ascribes these challanges (more indirectly in ''Virtue in Politics ''and more directly in his earlier essays) to what he sees as policy failures. These policy failures are according to Vokto systematic and inherent to the Esperian political system, a claim which laid the basis for his successful push to dissolve the governmental system entirely. Each of the following restate one of the Five Precepts, and then state how they relate to Esperian policy in Vokto's time: ' "An economy is only as successful as its ability to serve its people"' Votko's Esperia was the product of the gradual liberalization of the economy. In the late Esperian economic viewpoint, growth was branded as an end to progress in itself. Vokto rejected this, stating that monopolies were economically immoral, and, to a lesser extent, impractical. '"Virtue is the morality of human progress"' Although Esperia had always been on a whole a socially conservative state, rarely (except notably in the administration of Johano Galti) had it been included as a focus of a platform. This has caused some trouble to those who espouse the view that all Vokto's ideals were reactions to Esperian policy. Some conclude that Vokto's conservatism is a product of his own personal views. Others conclude that Vokto's "Virtue" as he describes it refers to a more disciplined government, which would be a legitimate reaction to the disfunction of the Esperian Congress. Still others hold that this social conservatism reflects longstanding cultural values of the Esperian people (see "Voktoism as a Continuation of Cultural Values" below). '"To hinder a freely elected state's ability to govern is to hinder its responsiveness to the people's will"' Increasingly more and more so, Esperian popular politics was dominated by anti-authoritarian, libertarian rhetoric. Actions which reflected this include the gradual weakening of the House of Gentlemen, the steady decrese in the size and scope of public sector institutions, and ultimately Kallem's Popular Referendum law. Vokto saw much of this as impractical, empty rhetoric. He describes the government as a "tool of the people," and writes of an expanded role for many public institutions, though in practice it is relatively small, considering the socialistic status quo of the countries surrounding Terrakristovia. '"The relationship between the state and its people ought to and can be mutually beneficial"' More or less a reiteration of the context above. The libertarianism of late Esperia emphasized the immoral, oppressive nature of a large government. Vokto rejected this as baseless fear-mongering for political gain. '"One ought to be able to succeed or fail on their own merits alone"' Much of the problems of Esperia Vokto accredited to the "unvirtuous" belief in Esperian politics that talent and hard work are, '''without government intervention, '''the only means to the end of success, and that '''without government intervention, '''those most marginalized have done so because they fail. Voktoism does not reject the fact that inequality is morally justified, but instead rejects that left to itself, society is not meritocratous, without the government setting up systems to make it so. See below, in "Practice in Terrakristovia" for specific policies Vokto instituted to carry out this and the other above beliefs. 'Voktoism as a Continuation of Cultural Values' Rather than a rebellion against the status quo, others primarily view Voktoism as an affirmation of certain values ingrained into the land's culture predating Esperia. Although not completely contradictory, this view represents a different "lens" of analyzing history, and nevertheless the two views are grounds for debate among scholars. Culturalists (as this article shal refer to them) point to the historically poor land between the mountains (whether it has been called an Anjaami territory, the Magyar Republic, Esperia, or Terrakristovia) and poverty of the people as factors molding the people's cultural value of modesty. Coupled with the influence of Makaivellian and Ctalnhite missionary influence, the Culturalists conclude the Voktoist social conservatism well compliments the local cultural values. Culturalists tend to downplay other elements of Voktoism, or have labelled them extensions of social conservatism. They point to Kristavo Vokto's early branding of his views as a renaissance of Esperian founding values, which in turn were hybrid extensions of Pretoranian bourgeois and local values, as an indirect affirmation of their Culturalist veiwpoint. Practice in Terrakristovia Here are some examples of Kristavo Vokto's reforms in his time as Chancellor of Terrakristovia, as examples of Voktoism in practice. They are in no particular order, and are by no means a complete list of his reforms. *To fulfil its individualistic goals of meritocracy, Voktoism in practice attempts to create a macroeconomic model of perfect competition. One of the primary goals of the Bureau of Labor and Industry's agenda is to mold the economy more and more into perfect competiton. Nearly all of Vokto's administration, as well as Kristovian economists, accept that the conditions of perfect competition are utopian, and therefore never fully acheivable in practice. : The primary way the Kristovian state attempts to acheive perfect competition is by enforcing the Lateral Economy. In this model, firms are forcibly limited by a formula of their size and wealth. This formula is set and refined by the Bureau of Labor and Industry based on the type of firm and the economic conditions of the time. To address the problem of Diseconomies of Scale, where a firm must expand or lose profits, the Kristovian government has given these firms opportunity to sell their surplus means of production (usually capital) to interested prospective firms at a reduced cost. Various incentives are awarded to the buyer and seller of such a transaction, besides the obvious that the buyer gets cheap capital and the seller is able to keep their per-unit costs low. Such incentives include kickbacks for the owner of the firm who sold the goods; they are entitled to a limited share of profits from the buying firm, though can have no ownership over that company. * According to the Civil Service Doctrine, candidates for federal office must have prior experience working for the federal government, or under the Bureau for which they seek candidacy. Voktoism claims this is necessary to maintaining a competent government, and as a bulwark against corruption. * Vokto has socialized all public utilites and public transport, listing them as "tools of the people." Besides this he acknowleges the difficulties of ownership of these utilities, because they are not subject to free market forces and are prone to monopolization. * All private sector employees are entitled to unionization. All public sector employees are banned from unionization. Unions cannot form or affiliate among members of different firms. * The insurance industry has been outlawed. The more "individual-friendly" alternative to risk-management, an individual loan, replaced this model * Police in impoverished parts of the country are now federal employees and paid a wage inverse to the existing crime rate. Police in more crime-ridden areas are paid more. The exception is with police of affluent/metropolitan areas, which pay and maintain their own police forces. * Public education has expanded and centralized under Vokto's administration. As of 2012, 65% of all students are enrolled in public education. In 1994, roughly 30% of all students were enrolled in public education. In that time, private education was the choice of education for the middle and upper classes, while working class and poor children primarily chose public education, or were not educated at all. * Terrakristovia's central bank, the Central Commercial Bank is a source of cheap, low-interest loans for individuals and businesses. Individuals who already own a firm cannot recieve a loan from the CKB, nor can individuals who have already received a loan. * Business entities are not considered legal "persons" and therefore cannot be named plaintiffs or defendants in lawsuits. However, individuals within the firm can be named participants in lawsuits. '''Challanges' The following are examples of challanges to the implementation of Voktoism in Terrakristovia. They are either a result of impracticality, rejection by the government, or later reform by Vokto detractors: *In late 2003 the Ministry of Infrastructure and the Utilities under encouragement from Kristavo Vokto passed the Public Use Doctrine, which declared the use of public utilities, determined as "tools of the people," to be free of charge. However, within months, power usage had expanded beyong the grid's ability to keep pace, and rolling blackouts became a common occurance. By Spring 2004 the language of the Public Use Doctrine had been revoked. *From 1995 to 2000 the Kristovian government operated on provisional status. During this time no federal officials were subject to election. The Ministry of Democracy under Vokto declared no elections should take place until 80% of citizens be members of a voting Bloc. It was intended that only those with Bloc membership be allowed privilage to vote. Between 1997 and 2000, the percentage of voting age citizens registered with a Bloc hovered around 15%. Finally, Vokto and the Ministry of Democracy lifted the provisional status of the government and declared elections, open to the vast majority of people over the age of 20. *A 100% effective inheritence tax exists in Terrakristovia, to minimize the effect of inherited wealth/poverty. However, many elderly and terminally ill are able to circumvent this tax by transferring all of their assets among their "heirs" shortly before death. *One major component of the Civil Service Doctrine had been the requirement for new employees of a federal bureaucracy to begin their career at an entry-level position, the theory being every employee would need to prove their worth equally. However in 2010 this requirement was lifted by the Ministry of Democracy, which claimed the bureaucracy was losing talent to the private sector, due to talented individuals being uninterested with beginning at an entry-level position. *Finance reform for federal office has liberalized donation rules. In 2012, the Ministry of Democracy under Senator Davido Doevke lifted the restriction for donations over a certain size for non-Bloc-member individuals. *The Kristovian finance sector is the the one large and total exception to the Lateral Economy and most other regulation. This can be explained through two major reasons: one, the finance sector is seen as too complex to be adaquately regulated by the sort of regulations governing the rest of the Kristovian economy; two, that the strict requirements regarding ownership is unappealing to the super wealthy. Channeling wealth into a finance sector, which provides loans for start up businesses, is seen as the most constructive alternative for the wealthy's demands to have an outlet for their wealth. *Kristavo Vokto's Medical Reform Doctrine of 2011, which expanded and diversified the role of public medicine, was rejected by the Ministry of Health. One of the most notable factors leading to its defeat was testimony of Karlo Vor, a notable economist from the Bureau of Commerce. His expert figures, counter to Vokto's figures, estimated the Doctrine to be unsustainable by the budget, overcomplex, and bureaucratically catastrophic. Criticism Voktoism has garnered criticism from many segments across the political spectrum. The following illustrate common themes within criticism coming from particular viewpoints: *'Socialists '''have argued that Voktoism is an inadaquate ideology, because, unlike Socialism, Voktoism does not accept inequality as a problem within itself. Rather, Voktoists claim that in theory one who produces nothing could receive nothing, but because it claims total unproductiveness is extremely unlikely, nearly everyone will in practice receive enough to maintain a sufficient standard of living. Socialists also criticize Voktoism for a lack of social welfare. In Terrakristovia, workman's compensation has been negotiated by the unions, while disabled persons are cared for by families or religious institutions, which are tax-exempt for the social service duties they are left to perform. *'Liberals 'question whether Voktoism's steadfast social conservatism is necessary or even compatible with the rest of the ideology, which they otherwise are typically supportive of. They point to high crime rates in Havenurbo as claim against the prohibition of alcohol, and high STD infection rates among the poor as claim against lack of sexual education in the public curriculum. Liberals also criticize Vokto for not prioritizing the protection of women, homosexuals, minorities, or any other typically marginalized group. Voktoism's approach to these groups has been laissez-faire. Same sex marriage in Terrakristovia is neither outlawed or protected, which comes as a result of married couples being legally non-distinct from nonmarried couples. Marriage is not considered a government institution. *'Capitalists 'are typically unsatisfied with the restrictions Voktoism places on the economy. They see the restrictions of the Lateral Economy as arbitrary. They point to the public sector's monopoly of many major sectors as oppressive and unfair. *'Libertarians '''argue against Voktoism for the same reasons Liberals and Capitalists argue against it. Libertarians (in Terrakristovia's context, Esperian Conservatives) also find fault in the large scale of the public sector in relation to its size in Esperia. They tend to believe in the inherent tyranny and corruption of government, unlike Vokto.